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Since becoming leader of the new Conservative Party of
Canada in March, Stephen Harper has had to fight hard
to win over Canadians.
Unlike
most career politicians, who file their ideological edges
down to blunt stumps early in their careers, Mr. Harper
is clearly a man grounded in conviction, and has rarely
repented his more controversial views. He is also a somewhat
phlegmatic figure who is occasionally clumsy when it comes
to retail politics.
In
the current political climate, however, Mr. Harper's stolid
approach undoubtedly is viewed by many Canadians as an
asset. While the Liberals are wrapping themselves in the
flag and engaging in shrill fear-mongering -- falsely
accusing the Conservatives of secret plots to end abortion,
buy aircraft carriers, end bilingualism and who knows
what else -- Mr. Harper has soberly focused on policy-making.
As a result, the Conservative platform is by far the strongest
political agenda articulated by the major parties.
Last
month, when the federal election was called, we outlined
the policy areas that we hoped to see addressed over the
course of the campaign. In particular, we urged an agenda
that would include giving the provinces more freedom in
how they deliver universal health care, ending Ottawa's
various corporate and regional welfare programs, lowering
taxes, empowering MPs, improving Canada-U.S. relations,
strengthening our rusted-out military, dismantling the
gun registry and rescinding the gag law. In all these
areas, the Conservatives have staked out intelligent positions.
On
health care, for instance, they eschew a restrictive reading
of the Canada Health Act, which stalled reform under the
Liberals. And rightly so: If a province can more efficiently
reduce waiting times for a given treatment or diagnostic
service by contracting out to a for-profit company, why
should it be prevented from doing so?
On
the fiscal front, the Conservatives have properly rejected
intrusive, big-ticket items such as the Liberals' pie-in-the-sky
$5-billion national child care program. Instead, they
seek to improve the business climate and spur productivity
by lowering taxes. A centrepiece of the Conservative plan
involves cutting lavish subsidies to politically connected
companies such as Bombardier and applying the proceeds
to broad-based corporate tax relief -- exactly what sensible
economists recommend. Far better to collect less tax in
the first place than to try to redistribute it through
corporate handouts. They would also reject the Kyoto global
warming protocol, an agreement that even government experts
acknowledge would hurt the Canadian economy.
We
have been disappointed, to be sure, to see Mr. Harper
retreat from his support for America's campaign to free
Iraqis from the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein -- an
uncharacteristically cynical move by the Conservative
leader, doubtless intended to disassociate his party from
an unpopular war. In general, however, his view of Canada's
role in world affairs is more compelling than those of
other party leaders. Most notably, his affection for the
United States is refreshingly unapologetic. And his plan
to substantially upgrade our military reflects the reality
of our post-9/11 world -- a world in which Canada will
be called upon to keep the peace and fight rogue powers
in Central Asia, the Middle East and perhaps even Africa.
On
abortion and gay rights -- two issues manipulated by leftist
adversaries to smear the Conservatives -- Mr. Harper has
taken a principled stand. Though he has no immediate plans
to limit abortions, he has not ruled out private members'
bills on the subject. Of course, Canada is a socially
liberal country, and any effort to limit abortion rights
would go down in flames anyway. But that is not the point:
Mr. Harper sees abortion as an issue of conscience, and
thus believes that Canada's elected lawmakers should decide
the matter in a free vote.
By
the same principle, he believes Parliament, not judges,
should have the power to define marriage. If you listen
to Liberal mouthpieces and much of Canada's activist establishment,
this makes Mr. Harper a dangerous extremist. As we see
it, Mr. Harper's worst crime is that he has faith in the
democratic process.
As
for the two other national parties, they have run disappointing
campaigns. (We will not detain ourselves with a discussion
of Gilles Duceppe's Bloc Quebecois, which -- whatever
its other policies -- remains committed to the break-up
of our country.) In the televised election debates, the
NDP's Jack Layton disavowed any animus toward the United
States. Yet he would seek to renegotiate NAFTA, and limit
our participation in NATO and NORAD. He would also bloat
the federal budget with a variety of massive spending
projects, including a utopian plan to dot Canada with
10,000 windmills.
This
brings us to the Liberals and, more specifically, to their
leader, Paul Martin.
We
had high hopes for Mr. Martin when he became Prime Minister
last December. We wrote appreciatively, for instance,
of his decision to end the sponsorship program and recall
the man who once oversaw it, Alfonso Gagliano, from his
cushy sinecure as ambassador to Denmark. And like many
Canadians, we assumed Mr. Martin would lead the Liberals
away from the statist course plotted by his predecessor.
This was the man, recall, who had wiped out the deficit
during the 1990s as finance minister with hard-headed
spending cuts.
Indeed,
when Mr. Martin was finance minister, not only did the
government produce surpluses, but debt was significantly
paid down. And taxes, particularly capital gains taxes,
were reduced during a period of strong economic performance.
Today,
unfortunately, the Paul Martin who delivered those results
does not seem to be the same Paul Martin campaigning for
a mandate as prime minister. His Liberal platform will
result in higher taxes and bigger government. The Liberals'
free-spending plan includes the aforementioned child care
program, a 5,000-strong corps of globetrotting peace missionaries
and -- yes -- NDP-style windmills. There is nothing in
the way of tax relief. Since its release, Mr. Martin has
also announced a variety of pork-barrel handouts to various
regions, including a half-billion dollars to the Canadian
auto industry.
What's
more, we have no comfort that the Liberals, if re-elected,
would not continue to squander our money. Canadians are
clearly furious with them over the sponsorship scandal
-- not just with the facts, but also with the way the
scandal has been handled. Mr. Martin promised Canadians
a speedy investigation that would spare no effort to get
at the truth, then allowed his MPs to stonewall the public
accounts committee, and even now refuses to release an
internal audit that would shine much needed light on the
flow of funds. As he's vacillated between his desire to
appease the public thirst for knowledge and his party's
urge to protect its own, while simultaneously failing
to move forward with any decisive action on other policy
fronts, it has become clear that he lacks any rudder beyond
political convenience.
Despite
their commendable track record on the economy, the Liberals'
wastefulness and blind dogma on health care have engendered
a climate of distrust and impatience in the electorate.
And if the polls are accurate, Paul Martin is about to
suffer a stinging electoral setback.
Stephen
Harper, the man who could well head Canada's next government,
is not a revolutionary. If anything, he has adopted a
more moderate agenda than was necessary. He is nonetheless
the only political leader in Canada with a practical plan
that would take this country forward rather than backward.
Canadians are fatigued by more than a decade of Liberal
government. We feel comfortable with the prospect of Mr.
Harper as prime minister. That's why we believe that,
for voters seeking positive change, the Conservative party
is the only sensible option.
©
National Post 2004
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